State-sponsored assassinations are the new black, and they seem to have a few things in common, most obviously a jealous concern over the physical evidence, particularly the body itself. We know with Charlie Kirk there was a rush and the ol' "hidden body trick" played out, much as it did with Thomas Crooks who was instantly cremated at the behest of an anonymous "benefactor".
With Kirk, of course, we don't know if or where he was buried or whether he was cremated. Even those who went to the Catholic funeral never saw him lowered into the ground.
The monk Thomas Merton died under suspicious circumstance and his body was immediately taken in custody the same US military he criticized. I asked Grok AI for a review of his statements on the war during the last five years of his life before his death in 1968.
1964
The CIA had intercepted some of his earlier mail (1958) and later compiled files on his peace-movement associations.
In 1964, Merton began addressing Vietnam more explicitly as U.S. involvement grew. In a May 31 letter to President Lyndon B. Johnson: “A united Vietnam … would certainly do more for the interests of freedom … than a useless and stupid war. Quite apart from humanitarian and ethical considerations which, to me, are primary, it would seem that … realistic awareness of the situation ought to warn us that a prolonged war in Asia is not going to benefit … the interests of democracy. … I therefore respectfully recommend a prudent and rational course along the lines laid down in Pacem in Terris.”
A second letter to Johnson (roughly eight months after the first) argued that “methods of sheer force are not only unavailing but … immoral and unjust” and that “our present policies in Vietnam … are probably doing more to help Communism than to hinder it. … I think the U.S. military would do more for democracy if they got out of Vietnam.”
1965
February 17 letter: “The trouble is that the truth of the situation is consistently distorted, and it is to the interest of the Pentagon and the arms manufacturers to see that it is distorted because a bigger war is to their advantage.”
A February 20 letter to Johnson (original now at the LBJ Library) again raised moral and practical objections to the war.
Correspondence with Kentucky Senator John Sherman Cooper expressing “distress over the Vietnam War.”
Journal comments on Johnson: he “is listening to the Pentagon crowd, and his stubbornness and vanity will harden him against criticism.” Merton later regretted having voted for him.
1966
May: Merton hosted the Vietnamese Buddhist monk Thich Nhat Hanh at Gethsemani Abbey. The meeting produced the essay “Nhat Hanh Is My Brother,” first published in Jubilee magazine that year and later collected in Faith and Violence. Merton wrote: “He is more my brother than many who are nearer to me by race and nationality, because he and I see things exactly the same way. He and I deplore the war that is ravaging his country. We deplore it for exactly the same reasons: human reasons, reasons of sanity, justice and love. We deplore the needless destruction, the fantastic and callous ravaging of human life, the rape of the culture and spirit of an exhausted people. … this carnage serves no purpose that can be discerned and indeed contradicts the very purpose of the mighty nation that has constituted itself the ‘defender’ of the people it is destroying.” He also warned that Nhat Hanh risked imprisonment or death upon return to Vietnam and urged public protection of him.
A February letter to activist Jim Forest (responding to reports of civilian casualties): “Vietnam is the psychoanalysis of the US. I wonder if the nation can come out of it and survive.” He described the national identity as “going slowly down the drain in Vietnam.”
1967
March 7 letter to Undersecretary of State Nicholas Katzenbach requesting permission to send medical aid to civilian victims: “immense military power is smashing down on a primitive Asian country with half a million tons of high explosives a year, resulting in an overwhelming majority of civilian casualties. … Millions of people all over the world think they have reason to question the good faith and even the basic integrity of the United States. … It is our duty to help these people, even though they may be in North Vietnam.”
Essay “Taking Sides on Vietnam” (later in Faith and Violence): “I’m on the side of the people who are being burned, cut to pieces, tortured, held as hostages, gassed, ruined, destroyed. They are the victims on both sides. To take sides with massive power is to take sides against the innocent. … US aggression must stop.” He also noted the financial cost: “Each Vietcong killed costs a million dollars. … We really must be interested in killing people expensively.”
1968
Faith and Violence (published July 1968) collected several Vietnam essays, including “Vietnam: An Overwhelming Atrocity.” Merton called the war “an overwhelming atrocity” whose “exorbitant US war effort … cannot be explained or justified by the reasons that are officially given.” He contrasted official justifications with the destruction of a Vietnamese Benedictine monastery by American bombs (not by communists) and rejected “My country right or wrong.”
February 19 letter supporting conscientious objector Joseph T. Mulloy, published on the front page of the Louisville diocesan paper The Record. Merton affirmed the primacy of conscience against the draft. The letter provoked public controversy among Kentucky Catholics, some of whom burned his books.
His estimated influence
Merton’s statements reached a relatively small but strategically important audience. Because of earlier censorship by his religious superiors, many pieces first circulated privately among peace activists, the Catholic Worker movement, the Fellowship of Reconciliation, and the newly formed Catholic Peace Fellowship. After restrictions eased in late 1963, essays appeared in Jubilee, The Catholic Worker, and Faith and Violence. He was one of the earliest prominent U.S. Catholic voices to condemn the war on explicitly moral and theological grounds rather than solely political ones.
His influence was strongest inside religious and activist networks: he shaped the thinking of figures such as Jim Forest, Daniel and Philip Berrigan, and Dorothy Day’s circle, and his 1966 encounter with Thich Nhat Hanh became a landmark of interfaith anti-war witness. Government agencies (FBI, State Department, and CIA files) monitored his peace activities and correspondence, indicating official notice even if he never became a mass-media figure.











